Comrades, if we were to study the history of this
country,
Grenada, we would find that the central theme that has characterised
the lives
of our people over the centuries has been resistance.
Our people have struggled at many times and in many
ways.
From the stubborn refusal of the Grenadian Caribs to
accept any
colonial stranglehold over their island through the consistent pattern
of slave
revolts which culminated in the mass upsurge led by Julien Fedon in
1795 which
for two [2] years brought Grenada a determined, militant independence,
through
the years of anti–colonial agitation and the eloquent leadership of
T.A.
Marryshow, through the two great popular uprisings of 1951 and 1973-4
to the
climax of our struggle in the March 13th Revolution of 1979 -
Grenadians have
always resisted domination, injustice and exploitation.
Our great Caribbean poet, Edward Kamau Brathwaite,
himself a
Barbadian, has likened this spirit of permanent struggle to the
dramatic and
sublime peaks which tower along the spine of our island.
And it is into this tradition of resistance that we
must place
the growth and development of our trade union movement.
We have produced here in Grenada perhaps the greatest,
the most
brilliant and audacious of pioneer Caribbean trade unionists - I am
referring,
of course, to Tubal Uriah “Buzz” Butler, that huge, monumental igniter
of the
spirit of the Caribbean masses, who, born in Grenada, moved to Trinidad
to
accomplish his great deeds of leadership of the burgeoning Caribbean
working
class.
His volcanic influence there sent our entire region
throbbing
with a new will and resistance which soon broke out through all our
islands.
But let it also be said that we produced Eric Mathew
Gairy,
perhaps the most degenerate and decadent manipulator and corrupter of
the trade
union movement that our islands have ever spawned.
Butler vs. Gairy: to say them with the same breath
makes one
choke!
But we have seen both their traditions and disciples
alive in our
Caribbean.
Our duty now is to strive to emulate the one and make
certain
that the other will never be recreated!
Certainly, we must also remember how Butler was sought,
hunted
and hounded by British colonialism and the employing class that saw him
as
their greatest menace, how they imprisoned him, interned him but could
never
smother or even dim his enormous determination and lustre!
Ann certainly we must also remember how his opposite
lied,
bribed, bludgeoned and murdered in this path to power, and how the
consequences
of that misrule strewed hurricane wreckage through our nation and
working
people that he claimed to represent, so much so that nearly three [3]
years
after the Revolution that ended his sordidness forever in our country,
we are
still cleaning up the devastation he caused to our national life and
economy.
So we have known only too well this type of bogus trade
unionism
in Grenada, and we have lived through the ghastly damage it caused to
our
country and people.
And we also know how much our real, genuine, patriotic
trade
unionists fought against such deformity when its political arm came
into power
with the Gairy neo–colonial dictatorship, which lasted for over two [2]
decades
here in Grenada.
For right through thee years of struggle, our militant,
selfless
trade unionists fought gallantly against Gairy’s terror, squandermania
and
neglect of the rights of workers, even though he could also count
through that
period, upon certain sections of the trade union leadership to sell out
the
masses at crucial points of their struggle, as he had done himself in
1951, and
as the conciliators did again in April 1974.
TRADE UNIONISM AGAINST DICTATORSHIP
Gairy’s neo–colonial dictatorship introduced several
draconian
laws that were clearly anti–worker and were aimed at muzzling and
straitjacketing any threatening action from our trade unionists.
The 1974 Public Order
(Amendment) Act prohibited trade unions, as well as other
organisations,
from using public address systems.
The next year [1975] he passed the Newspaper
(Amendment) Act which, without just cause, effectively
forbade trade unionists and other workers’ organisations form
publishing their
own newspapers.
Then the Essential Services
Act of 1978 was passed particularly against the prospect of
members of the
technical and Allied Workers’ Union [TAWU] taking direct industrial
action.
Significantly, the leadership of this union,
notoriously
inactive, did nothing to challenge the passage of a law which was
designed to
render them impotent.
This was hardly surprising when we understand that the
leadership
of this union was in the hands of the same man who acted as the
“Research and
Education Officer” of the American Institute of Free Labour Development
[AIFLD]
in the Eastern Caribbean.
But other unions and the political leadership of the
NJM fought
on behalf of their brothers and sisters in this union, comrades, and
when Gairy
tried to extend the law to include the dockworkers - who proved to be
the most
militant section of the urban working class under the dictatorship -
they never
allowed the amendment to be implemented.
For it was a common feature of those years that the
workers
themselves would take industrial action in the absence of or in
defiance of
their conciliatory leadership.
This was perhaps best seen in the 1973-4 period when
the workers
had to force the hand of their leaders to strike, and simultaneously
resist the
propaganda and persuasion techniques of the AFL-CIO.
Comrades, it is important to note that all this
activity and
struggle within our trade union movement was taking place against a
backdrop of
massive repression that was building up in our country, in all aspects
and
spheres of the people’s lives.
The dictator was making a systematic and comprehensive
attack on
all the rights and freedoms that our people had campaigned for and won
over the
years of British Colonialism.
The freedom to express ourselves, the freedom of
assembly - in
fact the freedom to live any sort of decent life, all this was being
ripped
form us.
The elections that were organised were rigged and
farcical, a
mockery of the democracy that our people truly aspired to reach.
When we moved to protest or organise against the decay
of life we
saw around us, we were hounded by paid bandits who battered, bruised
and
murdered some of our most valued and courageous comrades.
Life itself was being torn away from us, piece by
piece, in the
growing fear and reality of repression.
Our youth saw desolation around them in a hopeless
search for
jobs.
Our women faced sexual abuse and exploitation in the
daily
struggle to keep their dignity.
A youth like Jeremiah Richardson was shot, point blank,
in the
streets of Grenville because he sought to question a policeman’s abuse.
A boy, Harry Andrews, was killed because he climbed
over a wall
in a calypso tent.
Harold Strachan, Alister Strachan, Rupert Bishop all
heroically
sought to challenge this ebbing away of freedom and the right to live,
and they
all fell before the horrendous rule of terror and corruption which
characterised our country during those years.
Our people lived in an ethos of death and tyranny, when
honest
people disappeared mysteriously, the fate of Inspector Bishop of the
Carriacou
Police, or the four youths tending goats in Frigate Island.
Comrades, to be an active, combative and militant trade
unionist
during that portion of our history was to court his danger and violence.
Militancy meant a challenge to death and an assertion
of
everything that was that was hopeful and positive and which could
reconstruct
life and happiness for our people.
THE WORKERS FOUGHT BACK
But, as the dictatorship tries to tighten its grip on
the lives
of the Grenadian people, more and more democratic and progressive
fighters were
elected to the leadership of our trade unions.
By 1978, the Executive of the Commercial and Industrial
Workers
Union [CIWU] was demonstrating this and Gairy was answering by trying
to crush
the union.
Resolutions were being passed by the Executive against
Gairy’s
ties with the butchers of Chile and the visit of Pinochet’s torture
ship, The Esmeralda, to our shores.
The dictator realised he was not dealing with the
previous
pattern of pliable and opportunistic leadership.
The only price of these new comrades was freedom!
So he went directly to the employees, trying to
persuade and
bribe them to compel their workers to join his union [GMMWU], even
though these
employers had already signed agreements with the Commercial and
Industrial
Workers’ Union [CIWU].
He also attempted to force CIWU members directly to
change
unions, but because of the respect they had for the consistent and
principled
hard work and positions of the new CIWU leadership, they were not moved.
Over the years our Caribbean trade union movement has
constantly
been the target of that most unscrupulous arm of imperialism: the
Central
Intelligence Agency [CIA].
We had had rare
instances of our trade union leaders consciously selling out to their
silky
bribes and offerings, but more usually the CIA, with its sophistication
and
enormous financial resources, has succeeded in manipulating and
infesting
unwitting trade unionists who may well have been continuing with their
work
with the best of intentions.
In doing this, the CIA has sometimes directly
infiltrated and
controlled some sections of our movement, and thus force the leadership
of some
of our unions to actually take anti–worker positions.
This has happened, we know, in Grenada, and more and
more of our
workers are becoming conscious of this danger to their hopes.
We saw how the CIA actually succeeded in turning back
the
progress of the organised workers’ movement in Chile, by both open and
covert
activity, and we in the Caribbean must be particularly vigilant
in recognising their position and subversion of the
workers’ cause, for imperialism will
never rest in its resolution to crush the onward march of the
progress and
emancipation of our struggling people.
For on the day that the Revolution triumphed, March
13th 1979,
trade unionists from all over the country showed direct support for and
involvement in the revolutionary events.
The Telephone Company workers, for example, were
contacting and radioing
our security forces to tell them of the whereabouts of Gairy’s
ministers, and
trade unionists and workers generally, all over the country, left their
workplaces to take up arms to end forever the power of oppression that
had
constantly tries to thwart the free aspirations and genuine and
constructive
organisation of our Grenadian workers.
Since our Revolution, most of the old, corrupt union
leadership
has been thrown into the dustbin of history, for because of their
growing
consciousness, our workers can now contrast and see who is brining
benefits to
them and who is not, who is desperately trying to maintain the old
pattern of
dictatorship and who is in the forefront of the struggle to bring more
democracy into our trade unions.
What we are seeing more and more in Grenada is that the
objectives of the Revolution and the objectives of the trade union
movement in
our country are one and the same.
Thus, any antagonisms between them are gradually
lessening and
disappearing, for the Revolution has set
free the opportunities for the trade union movement to accomplish
its tasks
of building the emancipation, security and prosperity of the working
people,
the identical will of the Revolution itself.
MEMBERSHIP AND DEMOCRACY
Let us consider the massive rise in membership, since
the
Revolution, of the most militant and democratic unions.
On March 13th 1979, the Bank and General Workers’ Union
[BGWU]
had some hundred members. It now has about 3,000.
It has spread out from its birthplace at Barclays Bank
to the banana
boxing plants, the nutmeg pools, the restaurants and hotels, the
factories and
workshops.
Its tradition of honest and consistent struggle on
behalf of its
members has made it the largest union in the country.
The Commercial and Industrial Worker’s Union [CIWU] has
had over
50% increase in membership, the Technical and Allied Workers’ Union
[TAWU] a
60% increase and the Agricultural and General Worker’s Union [AGWU] has
risen
from scratch to its present level of 2,300 members.
We had a huge, symbolic demonstration of our increased
trade
union membership and power in this year’s May Day celebrations.
It was the biggest every May Day turn out in the
history of
Grenada, and the seemingly endless procession of organised workers
worked
around the steep streets of our capital.
Along with this sudden explosion in the membership of
unions is
the emphasis the new leadership is putting on their democratisation.
This is very much allied to the general thrust in
democracy,
right through our society since the Revolution, in all structures of
mass
organisations, community groups and the other organs of our people’s
power.
As we have seen, before the Revolution there was a
tradition of
some unions of few or no General Meetings.
Following the Revolution, we have seen a massive new
interest in
trade unionism as Grenadians saw new hope and strength in co–operative
and
collective democratic solutions to their problems.
At the first General Meeting of the Commercial and
Industrial
Workers’ Union after the Revolution in July 1979, there was over 100%
increase
in the attendance.
Two hundred and ninety [290] members came and voted 246
to 44 in
favour of a militant, democratic leadership as against the previous
conciliatory and conservative type, even though the latter had
organised and
conducted the elections.
What is happening now in our country, is that everybody
is
becoming affected by the dialectic of democratic participation that is
sweeping
through our villages and workplaces.
Involvement in our organisation or meeting leads
directly to
involvement in another.
A worker who attends a Workers’ Parish Council hears
something
which he wants to bring to his trade union. So he goes to the meeting
of his
union, although he may not have attended one for years.
And when he finds, quite surprisingly, that his union
is taking a
vibrant, democratic direction, he involves himself in one of its new
committees
or structures for fund raising, sports or planning for educational
seminars.
His confidence is raised through all this activity and
the
speaking and organising that goes along with hit, and his appetite is
whetted
to join one of the mass organisations - the local Party Support Group,
the
Militia, House Repair Programme, or for the sisters, the National
Women’s
Organisation.
Each organisation feed strength, power and confidence
into the
next, and all of them, including the trade union, grow in real potency
and
democratic advancement.
And now we see Worker’s Parish Councils splitting into
Zonal
Councils in a new sprouting of decentralised democracy right through
our
nation, a reflection of a similar tendency that is happening within our
progressive trade unions.
NEW LEGISLATION
The People’s Revolutionary Government has been swift to
take
legislative action in favour of the trade unions.
All Gairy’s anti–worker laws were repealed and two
months after
the Revolution, in May 1979, People’s Law Number 29, the Trade Union
Recognition Law, was passed.
For the first time in Grenada’s history, our workers
had the
opportunity to join the union of their choice, and the employer was
compelled
to recognise the trade union, once 51% of his workforce were financial
members.
Under this Law, the Ministry of Labour has to respond
within
seven [7] days of the union’s application for recognition, and then
call a poll
of workers.
If the majority is shown to be members, then the union
must be
certified as the bargaining agent for the workers.
For, apart from Barclays, before the Revolution there
were other
grotesque examples of non–recognition of trade unions.
The workers at the Red Spot Soft Drink Factory had a
100%
financial membership of the Commercial and Industrial Workers’ Union in
1978,
but the company still refused recognition, and it took the workers at
Bata some
17 years of struggle before they finally won recognition.
So this law has changed all those old abuses and given
the
workers real and genuine security in making their trade unions
effective
bargaining agents on behalf of their workers.
For the sister trade unionists, the 1980 Maternity
Leave Law has made
an enormous difference to their working and personal lives.
Every working woman now has the right to two months’
paid
maternity leave over the period of the birth of any child.
And the trade unions were involved, together with the
mass
organisations, particularly the National Women’s Organisation, and the
churches, in the widespread consultation conducted all over the nation
before
the bill was finally passed.
The Equal Pay for Equal Work Decree in the state sector
has also
had a profound effect in improving the wages of the sisters and
levelling them
up with those of their brother workers throughout Grenada - as well as
increasing their general confidence to organise and struggle side by
side with
their brothers.
For now both men and women are sharing equally in the
improvement
in wages and conditions being brought about since the Revolution.
The old, appalling working conditions and lack of
facilities like
no drinking water or workers’ amenities in workplaces, compulsory
overtime with
out pay and no job security are now doomed.
The recent successful strike of agricultural workers in
the St.
Andrew’s Parish, waged by members of the Agricultural and General
Workers’
Union [AGWU], is proof of this.
The comrades achieved their demands of holiday and sick
leave pay
under the new democratic leadership of their new union.
At this moment arising from a decision of the St.
George’s
Workers’ Parish Council, and based on requests from trade unions, the
Ministry
of Legal Affairs has prepared two pieces of legislation - a Rent
Control Law to
ease the burden of high rent costs for our people and a new Workmen’s
Compensation Act, both of which will be circulated to our unions for
their
comments before enactment.
NEW ATTITUDES
Of course, you would know how closely higher
productivity and
trade union organisation are connected.
More than two decades of Gairyism produced in our
workers many
negative attitudes.
The new trade unionism in our country is now helping to
transform
such attitudes by helping to apply new incentives.
Before the Revolution our agricultural estates brought
in
absurdly low returns.
They were making only a quarter of a million dollars,
even though
their yearly expenditure was nearly three million.
Now, from being a national liability, they have become
profitable,
and the workers themselves have shared in that success, taking
one–third of the
profits made.
This new attitude has grown through the spirit of
emulation that
the workers have adopted as a result of those seminars. The Age of
Cynicism is
gone in Grenada.
Workers in a revolutionary country like ours, who are
under a
progressive and democratic leadership in their trade unions, do not see
trade
unionism solely in a narrow, economistic sense.
They do not see their responsibilities stopping only at
these
fundamental tasks of improving their members’ wages and working
conditions.
They see themselves deeply involved in all aspects of
the social
and political life of their country, their region and their world.
Our unionised workers have consistently shown
solidarity with all
other struggling workers of the world.
They see this as an internationalist duty to all trade
unionists
organising for their rights and fighting for social and political
justice, be
they in Chile, El Salvador, Southern Africa, the Middle East or any
part of the
world where the producers of wealth are exploited and oppressed.
They see their responsibility, likewise, with other
trade
unionists of the Third World in pressing for the New International
Economic
Order that will create more favourable terms of trade between rich and
poor
nations and transfer wealth and technology for the benefit of the
masses in
countries such as ours.
THE NEED FOR TRADE UNION UNITY IN THE CARIBBEAN
Comrades, it is clear that the growing economic crisis
of world
capitalism is having a dynamic effect in the Caribbean.
Throughout our region, we see the employing class
united in its
attack upon trade unionism.
There have been newspaper advertisements in Barbados
calling upon
workers there to abandon their trade unions.
There have been incidents of multi–national companies
in St.
Vincent forcing workers to sign documents, pledging that they will
leave their
trade unions.
Clearly, the employers are trying to de-unionise their
workforces
to make them more pliable and exploitable, so we, throughout the
Caribbean,
must go beyond all our political and ideological differences and forge
the
essential unity of our regional trade union movement to combat this
reactionary
offensive by the employers.
This is why we have to work towards the total
unionisation of our
workers and the maximum democratisation of our unions, to ensure that
they are
vigilant and active in the struggles against the employers, and to
guarantee
that the negativism and passivity that arise from undemocratic trade
union
structures are forever finished in our region.
We consider that in Grenada we have a critical role to
stimulate
and achieve this unity because our Revolution has emancipated our trade
union
movement to fully serve the country and help to build it, along with
our party,
the mass organisations and other democratic community structures.
For we are benefitting, not only from increased wages
and better
working conditions, unlocked freedoms and an explosion of democracy,
but also
from a massively increased social wage which makes more and more sure
and
profound the security of our working people, one of the prime
objectives of
trade unionism.
Free medical treatment, primary health care, an eye
clinic, free
milk distribution, more doctors and dentists than we have ever had
before, new
low cost housing and house repair schemes, free secondary education, de
facto
free middle level technical and university training for all our
untrained
primary school teachers, a Centre for Popular Education [CPE], cheaper
basic
food through our Marketing and National Import Board [MNIB], loans for
productive purposes through our National Commercial Bank [NCB], a
vastly
improved water supply system, cheaper electricity rates and less tax to
pay for
the poorest workers, a new International Airport, a national Public Bus
Service
on the way - all this has been achieved in the last 30 months.
Such concrete benefits are what true trade unionists
have always
struggled for, and we see our trade unionists too taking a greater and
greater
part in this huge process of national reconstruction.
For the first time in our history, and as far as we
know, this
step in unique in the CARICOM section of our region, our trade unions
have been
involved in the exercise of framing the national budget.
The Public Workers’ Union [PWU], the Grenada Union of
Teachers
[GUT], and the Technical and Allied Workers’ Union [TAWU] were all
involved in
this process last year, and this year and in the coming years more of
our
unions will be involved.
Proposals for the 1982 Budget will be circularised by
the
Ministry of Finance in a booklet, and 50,000 of these are being
printed, to be
given, among others, to the workers at their workplaces for them to
study and
add their comments and suggestions.
This, of course, is an extension of the already
existing policy
of our government of opening all our books to our workers during wage
negotiations with trade unions, giving them access to all accounts and
files,
so that they can see for themselves what the national budget can effort
to give
them, and so they can make their own assessment of what could be a
realistic
and equitable wage demand.
This is the absolute antithesis of Gairyism, a total
transformation.
This process will underline yet again that the trade
union movement
must be involved in all aspects of national development.
This means planning, production, management,
distribution of
foods, working in the literacy campaign through the Centre for Popular
Education, in the House Repair Programme, the School Repair Programme,
the
community work and the creation of democracy in all our popular and
democratic
programmes by ensure that the benefits of the Revolution reach not only
its own
members, but all the people of Grenada.
Finally and crucially, there is the question of
national defence,
particularly at this juncture when we are facing so many threats from a
belligerent and vulgar imperialism.
Our trade unions and their members are becoming more
and more
involved in our People’s Revolutionary Militia [PRM], and the Trades
Union
Council [TUC] itself, in response to the US “Amber and the Amberines”
provocations and manoeuvres in Vieques Island in August, issued a call
for all
trade unionists to join the militia and be prepared to defend the
homeland form
imperialist military attack.
CALL TO THE DELEGATES
So comrades, what is the way forward? What are the
challenges
ahead of us and how must we respond?
We would not want to leave this conference without
having clear
ideas and proposals in our heads to secure greater bonds and solidarity
between
us.
What concrete steps can we make as a result of our
discussions?
For a start, we must exchange information, insights and
experiences to make more profound the trust between us, and more
unified the
causes and strength that bind us.
And let us pledge that in the spirit of trade union
democracy, we
hold more regular assemblies and meetings such as this one to combine
in a more
coherent and purposeful way, to consolidate our power and unity, and to
co–ordinate
our strategies to beat back the offensive against us.
Our enemies are intensifying their unity, as has been
seen in the
recent general inter–Caribbean meetings of Chambers of Commerce, and
even more
pointedly, in the meeting of various army and police chiefs, with
external
representatives also involved.
The violence of this offensive has also been made clear
in the
imperialist–dominated campaign of lies, slander and disinformation -
the
deliberate manipulation of half truths and fabrications - which has
been
principally directed at the revolutionary countries in our region.
Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada, and against the
progressive movement
of workers generally throughout the Caribbean.
This campaign intensified to a particularly blatant
level in May
this year [1981], when the United States International Communications
Agency
(USICA), the propaganda arm of the US State Department, organised a
conference
in Washington, to which were invited the editors of all the major
English–language Caribbean newspapers.
The editors were counselled and lectured to by
reactionary
congressmen, and slick American journalists taught them techniques of
propaganda destabilisation, with “How to Deal with Grenada” as an
unlisted item
on the agenda.
Within two weeks of this conference, we witnessed, in
the region,
signs of a co–ordinated approach by all of these newspapers, in their
propaganda attacks against the Grenada Revolution.
Articles and editorials were swapped and reprinted, and
this
process descended to the its most vulgar depths with the appearance in
five [5]
regional newspapers - the Jamaica Gleaner,
the Barbados Sunday Sun, the
Barbados Advocate, the Trinidad Guardian
and the Trinidad Express - of identical front page
editorials, calling upon the governments, peoples and workers of the
region to
isolate Grenada and expel us form all regional groupings and
organisations.
The magnates and warlords of the Caribbean media are
about to
start yet another campaign against Grenada.
While the Jamaican Daily
Gleaner’s Hector Wynter
travels to Trinidad to plan strikes with his fellow Trinidad Guardian and Express blood–suckers,
his compatriot and twin brother in lies and
hypocrisy, Ken Gordon,
is in Jamaica shamelessly announcing yet another plan of orchestrated
propaganda destabilisation against our Revolution.
It seems that these clowns do not yet understand that
the game is
up, that they have been fully exposed before the Caribbean people and
before
their own workers, who so valiantly stood up to them in September, and
condemned them for their dishonesty and vulgarity, after their front
page
fiasco.
It seems like these Judases, who are willing to trade
the journalistic
integrity of their own workers and the limited value of their own
depraved
souls for a few dollars more, are in need of yet another slap on their
bottoms
from the workers of the Caribbean.
Let them continue to attack.
The more they do so, the more they help the cause of
the working
people.
For they are the best possible proof of the decadence,
corruption
and nasty stench of unmitigated, free enterprise capitalism, and its
twin
sister of rotting, hypocritical, saltfish journalism.
Comrades, this propaganda campaign continues unabated
until this
very day.
We would, therefore, like to call upon all the
delegates here,
representing as they do the most active and conscious leaders of the
working
class movement in our region, to condemn this monopoly control of the
Caribbean
media by unprincipled press magnates in league with imperialism, and
support
the struggle of media workers all over the world for a New
International
Information Order [NWICO],
the creation of which will be of particular significance to al workers
in the
Caribbean and Latin America.
Comrades, very importantly, we must express that all
the workers
of our region must have a clear understanding as to why peace is in
their
interest and why war is such a high priority on the agenda of Reagan
and the
ruling circles in the USA.
At present, the world capitalist system is in the midst
of a
serious crisis.
Runaway inflation, compounded by ever–rising
unemployment has
meant that for millions of workers in the industrialised capitalist
economies,
the cost of living keeps going up, seemingly beyond control, while job
security
is weakened.
Almost as daily routine, factory after factory is
closed down,
business after business declares bankruptcy, resulting in hundreds of
thousands
of workers losing their jobs.
Those workers fortunate to retain jobs, find that their
wages
remain stagnant, their unions attacked and undermined by the
monopolists, their
rights abused and their hard–won gains eroded.
And as the international capitalist crisis intensifies,
it
generates increased imperialist aggression, spearheaded by the most
reactionary
circles of imperialism’s military–industrial complexes who feel that
the
solution to this crisis in the build–up of arms, the provocation of
wars and
the creation of tension spots around the world, the Caribbean region
being no
exception.
The struggle carried on by the world’s workers for
peace is
strongly linked with the effects of the crisis of capitalism on their
living
standards.
Thus, one can say that the economic and social gains
won through
such struggle are an expression of the change in the balance of forces
against
the roots of all wars: monopoly capitalism and imperialism.
Ignoring the new realities brought about by this change
in the
world’s balance of forces, however, the military and conservative
circles of
imperialism are trying to return the world to the cold war period and
intensification of the arms race with the planned deployment of many
more
nuclear warheads in Western European countries, with mad talk of
limited
nuclear war, and right here in our region with stepped–up military
manoeuvres
and exercises and preparations for military invasion of Cuba, Nicaragua
and
Grenada, along with massive intervention in El Salvador.
The present level of military efforts puts on the
shoulders of
Caribbean workers and workers all over the world a very heavy burden of
sacrifice exposing the very existence of humanity to the risk of a
catastrophic
disaster.
High military expenditures are damaging to economic
stability,
slow down the rate of development and make unemployment more acute.
The contemporary capitalist crisis and the arms race
are directly
connected with each other.
In many capitalist countries, arms contracts provide
the motive
force for the industries connected with arms manufacture.
But workers must not be intimidated or resort to
pessimism in the
face of this bleak scenario.
Hope still exists and it resides in the struggle of all
peace–loving forces for disarmament and world peace, which will make it
possible for science and technology to be put fully to work for the
material
and spiritual enhancement of humankind.
The working class of the world constitutes the
principal force of
peace.
Because of its role in the crucial sphere of social
life and
production, the working class is also the principal force of social
progress.
Thus, there is a direct connection between the
historical role of
the working class and the struggle for peace and disarmament.
The Caribbean trade union movement cannot fulfill its
mission of
emancipating the working people of the region in a situation where
imperialism
is attempting to make the Caribbean into a theatre of war.
Genuine social and economic progress can only be
achieved in an
atmosphere of peaceful co–existence, co–operation, goodwill, mutual
respect and
understanding among the region’s peoples.
It is, therefore, an urgent imperative that the
Caribbean trade
union movement strongly condemns all efforts by imperialism to bring
unnecessary tension to our region and in equally strong terms supports
the call
for the Caribbean to be declared a Zone of Peace.
Caribbean and Latin American workers employed by
capitalist companies
who do not own the means of production because they are an exploited
class,
have no stake in war or in the profits deriving from the manufacture of
weapons, as in the case with the transnational corporations.
Peace is the workers’ ideal. Historical experience
shows that in
the imperialist wars it is the working people influenced by the
ideological
hegemony of imperialism who are the victims, who she their blood and
sacrifice
their lives.
But it is, also, the working people who have always
fought against
wars of aggression, and who now find themselves in a common front in
the
struggle for peace.
In fighting against the monopolies, against the
transnationals
and the military–industrial complex, the working people of the
Caribbean and
Latin America carry out a direct offensive against the roots of war.
In this context, the workers and their trade union
organisations
have a fundamental role to play.
In defiance of the imperialist merchants of death, the Caribbean and Latin American trade union
movement must make a clear and consistent response to Washington’s
aggression
in this region by the unity and common action of all the trade union
forces.
In these times, there is an urgent need, comrades, for
unity and
co–ordinated action, for co–operation and direct alliance between the
region’s
democratic trade unions, some with different ideological tendencies,
but all
with the same class interests and with similar economic and social
aspirations.
Warmongering in our region can only be stopped by a
united and decisive
workers’ struggle for peace and disarmament.
Workers of our region can be heartened and even
inspired by the
forthright resistance demonstrated by millions of workers who have
taken to the
streets of European capitals in recent week to say a loud “no” to the
war
policies of the Reagan Administration.
So our message today, comrades, to all our workers in
our island
and throughout the Caribbean, is in the spirit of Butler, Unionise!
Mobilise!
Educate! Democratise!
Dynamise the trade union movement throughout our
region! Let the
spirit of Butler fire and inspire us!
Let us seek to emulate his cause and dedication to the
most
sacred commitment of all - the emancipation and freedom of our working
people.
We in Grenada pledge to continue to put our trade union
movement
at the centre of the process in our country to link all our workers in
an
organised relationship with democratic structures and practices and so
pump
with ever–increasing vigour, the vibrant blood that runs through all
the organs
of our Revolution.
Long live the working class of Grenada, the Caribbean
and the
World!
Long live the unity and solidarity of the working
people of the
World!
Long live the spirit of Tubal Uriah “Buzz” Butler!
Forward ever, backward never!